Introduction
The ambahan is the traditional poetry of the Hanunuo Mangyans of Oriental Mindoro. It is usually written on bamboo in the Surat Mangyan, a centuries-old pre-Spanish script. The syllabic script and the ambahan poetry have complemented each other, contributing to their continued existence today.
Reproduced here are three extracts from the work of Antoon Postma, anthropologist and Mangyan historian, and an ambahan anthology arranged according to the Hanunuo-Mangyan lifecycle.
The ambahan is a literary product and poetic expression of the Southern Mangyans of Mindoro, Philippines. Although there are about seven different ethnic groups living in Mindoro, collectively called the Mangyans, these groups are quite distinct from each other as to language, customs, and way of living. Only the ethnic group living in the south of Mindoro, roughly comprising the areas within the municipalities of Bulalacao (San Pedro), Mansalay, Oriental Mindoro and San Jose, Occidental Mindoro, claims the name Mangyan as the descriptive title of their tribe. To stress their point, they might add the epiteth: "Hanunuo" Mangyan, that is, a "truly, real, genuine" Manygan.
Together with their northern neighbors, the Buhids, they possess a pre-Spanish writing system, considered to be of Indic origin, with characters expressing the open syllables of the language. Two distinct syllabaries are still in practical use among the ethnic groups in Mindoro, viz. the northern Buhid on one hand and the southern Buhid with the Hanunuo-Mangyans on the other. The existence of a writing system among these tribes certainly accounts largely for the wealth of literature prevalent among them. One of the literary products, the one written down most frequently on bamboo-tubes or slats, is the ambahan.
For better understanding and appreciation of the ambahans presented here, a short outline on the character and use of the ambahan will be given here.
As a definition, it can be stated that the ambahan is:
In an effort to conform to the rule of having only seven syllables in each line, the composer tries to fit his words within the pre-determined quantity of syllables. This accounts for the many elisions and contactions of words that make the reading of the ambahan in the Hanunuo-Mangyan script so difficult and exasperating to the translator. Thus nirwasan comes from niruwasan; nilkasan from nilukasan; the mono-syllables gin from ginan; u from una. Conversely, the words may be extended, i.e. syllables may be added in order to have the required seven syllables. In most cases, the normal procedure involves the use of affixes and suffixes, both of which are extensively used in the Philippine languages. The most common one in the Hanunuo-Mangyan language is the suffix -an. Manok becomes manukan, balunos becomes balunusan, without a change in meaning. Within the word, "extensions" may also be found which might be old infixes, no longer common. So dayap becomes dalayap, layaw becomes lugayaw. Another way of lengthening a word is by repeating the word itself, not so much to make it superlative in meaning (e.g. in Tagalog: laking-laki), but rather to complete the seven syllable requirement
Reproduced here are three extracts from the work of Antoon Postma, anthropologist and Mangyan historian, and an ambahan anthology arranged according to the Hanunuo-Mangyan lifecycle.
The ambahan is a literary product and poetic expression of the Southern Mangyans of Mindoro, Philippines. Although there are about seven different ethnic groups living in Mindoro, collectively called the Mangyans, these groups are quite distinct from each other as to language, customs, and way of living. Only the ethnic group living in the south of Mindoro, roughly comprising the areas within the municipalities of Bulalacao (San Pedro), Mansalay, Oriental Mindoro and San Jose, Occidental Mindoro, claims the name Mangyan as the descriptive title of their tribe. To stress their point, they might add the epiteth: "Hanunuo" Mangyan, that is, a "truly, real, genuine" Manygan.
Together with their northern neighbors, the Buhids, they possess a pre-Spanish writing system, considered to be of Indic origin, with characters expressing the open syllables of the language. Two distinct syllabaries are still in practical use among the ethnic groups in Mindoro, viz. the northern Buhid on one hand and the southern Buhid with the Hanunuo-Mangyans on the other. The existence of a writing system among these tribes certainly accounts largely for the wealth of literature prevalent among them. One of the literary products, the one written down most frequently on bamboo-tubes or slats, is the ambahan.
For better understanding and appreciation of the ambahans presented here, a short outline on the character and use of the ambahan will be given here.
As a definition, it can be stated that the ambahan is:
- A rhythmic poetic expression with a meter of seven syllable lines and having rhythmic end-syllables.
- It is most often presented as a chant without a determined musical pitch or accompaniment by musical instruments.
- Its purpose is to express in an allegorical way, liberally using poetic language, certain situations or certain characteristics referred to by the one reciting the poem.
In an effort to conform to the rule of having only seven syllables in each line, the composer tries to fit his words within the pre-determined quantity of syllables. This accounts for the many elisions and contactions of words that make the reading of the ambahan in the Hanunuo-Mangyan script so difficult and exasperating to the translator. Thus nirwasan comes from niruwasan; nilkasan from nilukasan; the mono-syllables gin from ginan; u from una. Conversely, the words may be extended, i.e. syllables may be added in order to have the required seven syllables. In most cases, the normal procedure involves the use of affixes and suffixes, both of which are extensively used in the Philippine languages. The most common one in the Hanunuo-Mangyan language is the suffix -an. Manok becomes manukan, balunos becomes balunusan, without a change in meaning. Within the word, "extensions" may also be found which might be old infixes, no longer common. So dayap becomes dalayap, layaw becomes lugayaw. Another way of lengthening a word is by repeating the word itself, not so much to make it superlative in meaning (e.g. in Tagalog: laking-laki), but rather to complete the seven syllable requirement
While it is not my intention to be technical on this point, as a linguist's analysis of morphological phenomena would be, the foregoing illustrations demonstrate that the prescribed scheme of seven syllables in ambahan verse gives ample opportunity for lexical calisthenics, an exercise which may fascinate many students.
The rhyming end-syllables are an essential feature of the ambahan. The most common rhyming syllable is -an, being a regular suffix for verbs and substantives in the Hanunuo-Mangyan language. But other combinations with the vowel a are rather common too, such as in lines having the end-syllables: a, ak, ag, ang, as, aw, ay. Here the vowel a is combined with nearly all the consonants in the Philippine alphabet. In the same way, the vowels I (or e) and o (or u) can be found as the rhyming syllables, either alone or in combination, e.g.: I, id, ing, ip, it, and o, od, ok, on, ong, os, ot, oy.
The rhyming in the ambahan is consequent, i.e. once started with -an, all lines will end in -an. This appears to be in contrast to the rhyming scheme of a Tagalog poem, where at the end of a line a vowel rhyme may include any consonant in combination with this vowel. The ambahan is stricter in this respect, though it is interesting to note that here and there consonants, if belonging to the same phonetic class, may be included as the rhyming consonant in combination with the rhyming vowel. Hence, the word inwag rhymes with ma-ayad because both g and d belong to the phonetic class of voiced stops. The word humbak rhymes with dagat because both k and t belong to the phonetic class of voiceless stops. The word sundong, lumon and tayutom are the end-syllables of one ambahan because ng, n, and m belong to the phonetic class of voiced sonorants. Of course, it is not because the Hanunuo-Mangyan knows anything about phonetics that these instances occur, but it is a fact that the interchanges of these consonants are not considered violations of the unwritten rules of the ambahan, provided that the vowel remains the same.
The ambahan is a chanted verse, but it is changed plainly or almost recited. The rendering of the ambahan with musical pitch might differ from person to person. Some might intone the words like in common conversation; others might use it a monotone recitation; or still others might sing it with a distinct melody. But generally, it can be said that when an ambahan is "sung," there is only a slight musical pitch discernable, except maybe towards the end, when the last syllables are drawn out a bit to indicate that the chant is about to end. Furthermore, it is well worth noting that the ambahan, is "sung" without the accompaniment of musical instruments, as differentiated from another kind of Mangyan verse, the urukay, which is preferably chanted to the accompaniment of the homemade guitar.
One who has a knowledge of the language of the Hanunuo-Mangyans as it is used in their daily conversation, will be able to understand very little of the language that is used in the ambahan. The language used in the ambahan differs from the spoken language, though many a word used widely in the daily Hanunuo-Mangyan language is also used in the ambahan-vocabulary. It is quite possible to compile a long list of words (eventually a complete dictionary) that are used only in the ambahan verse, but, for the purpose of this book, only a few words need to be mentioned.
The rhyming end-syllables are an essential feature of the ambahan. The most common rhyming syllable is -an, being a regular suffix for verbs and substantives in the Hanunuo-Mangyan language. But other combinations with the vowel a are rather common too, such as in lines having the end-syllables: a, ak, ag, ang, as, aw, ay. Here the vowel a is combined with nearly all the consonants in the Philippine alphabet. In the same way, the vowels I (or e) and o (or u) can be found as the rhyming syllables, either alone or in combination, e.g.: I, id, ing, ip, it, and o, od, ok, on, ong, os, ot, oy.
The rhyming in the ambahan is consequent, i.e. once started with -an, all lines will end in -an. This appears to be in contrast to the rhyming scheme of a Tagalog poem, where at the end of a line a vowel rhyme may include any consonant in combination with this vowel. The ambahan is stricter in this respect, though it is interesting to note that here and there consonants, if belonging to the same phonetic class, may be included as the rhyming consonant in combination with the rhyming vowel. Hence, the word inwag rhymes with ma-ayad because both g and d belong to the phonetic class of voiced stops. The word humbak rhymes with dagat because both k and t belong to the phonetic class of voiceless stops. The word sundong, lumon and tayutom are the end-syllables of one ambahan because ng, n, and m belong to the phonetic class of voiced sonorants. Of course, it is not because the Hanunuo-Mangyan knows anything about phonetics that these instances occur, but it is a fact that the interchanges of these consonants are not considered violations of the unwritten rules of the ambahan, provided that the vowel remains the same.
The ambahan is a chanted verse, but it is changed plainly or almost recited. The rendering of the ambahan with musical pitch might differ from person to person. Some might intone the words like in common conversation; others might use it a monotone recitation; or still others might sing it with a distinct melody. But generally, it can be said that when an ambahan is "sung," there is only a slight musical pitch discernable, except maybe towards the end, when the last syllables are drawn out a bit to indicate that the chant is about to end. Furthermore, it is well worth noting that the ambahan, is "sung" without the accompaniment of musical instruments, as differentiated from another kind of Mangyan verse, the urukay, which is preferably chanted to the accompaniment of the homemade guitar.
One who has a knowledge of the language of the Hanunuo-Mangyans as it is used in their daily conversation, will be able to understand very little of the language that is used in the ambahan. The language used in the ambahan differs from the spoken language, though many a word used widely in the daily Hanunuo-Mangyan language is also used in the ambahan-vocabulary. It is quite possible to compile a long list of words (eventually a complete dictionary) that are used only in the ambahan verse, but, for the purpose of this book, only a few words need to be mentioned.
That the words of the ambahan vocabulary are found not only in the ambahan of the Hanunuo-Mangyans but also in the literary products of the neighboring Mangyan tribes, seems to be a significant coincidence worth investigating, especially if it is remembered that these other tribes use a conversational language different from the Hanunuo-Mangyan language. Some questions that would confront the investigator are the following: Where do these ambahan words come from? Are there other dialects in the Philippines from which they may have been derived? Or do we have to turn our attention to other countries like Indonesia or India to get an explanation? Here is a potential field of research that should give a linguist enough material to work on.
In some of the ambahans here presented, it will be noticed that the theme is about a bird, a flower, a tree, or an insect. Other ambahans, though not nature poems in the strict sense of the term, deal with the sun, the moon, the stars, the rain and the wind. When a Mangyan poet writes of a flower, he writes of itnot for the purpose of celebrating its beauty or fragrance but to make it an allegory or a symbol of human life, it's problems, and its challenges. Sometimes the symbolism of a bird or flower may be clear enough, as when a boy talks to his girl about "a beautiful flower that he would like to bring home." Very often, however, one symbol may refer to different conditions or circumstances and, thus, becomes a multiple symbol. An examination of ambahan no. 114 will help clarify this point. What does the poem mean? First, it means simply what it says: "Be careful, or you will be stung by a bee. Take precautions in getting honey." This would be the literal interpretation of the poem. The added meaning of allegorical interpretation would depend, of course, on the occasion and circumstances, such as climbing a mountain, going to sea, going to town, engaging in a contest with another person, or going to the parents to ask for the hand of their daughter. The complex set of meanings thus woven into an ambahan are gradually unravelled only after the poem had been analyzed with much care and patience.
A related study which is worth mentioning at this point would be an investigation into the psychological motivation for the Mangyan's frequent use of plants, animals, and nature symbols and their predilection for allegorical poetry.
[Postma, Antoon SVD. Treasure of a Minority. Manila: Arnoldus Press, Inc., 1981.]
Origin
If you ask a Hanunuo-Mangyan, "Where did you get this ambahan?," he will most likely answer, "I copied it from somebody else." That is quite probable, for the ambahan has been popularized by being copied on any piece of bamboo, such as the container for tobacco or apog (lime), the scabbard or sheath of a bolo, a violin or guitar, and even on the bamboo beams of a house. When a Mangyan discovers a nice ambahan, he uses his knife to engrave it on bamboo, in the age-old Indic-derived script. Thus, he has "copied" it.
In answer to the same question, another Mangyan may reply, "We obtained this from our forefathers." Most of the ambahans they possess now have been handed down from parents to children through continuos copying. Yet there is no doubt that new ambahans are still being written today by the poets or composers, although it is hard to find out who these poets are. A Mangyan would never admit that he is composing ambahans. To determine the approximate time in which an ambahan was written, two criteria may be suggested: the subject and the kind of words used.
The first criterion cannot be applied without reservation, for the subject of the ambahan is sometimes very general and true of any period. But if we find reference in the ambahan to Moro attacks or to Mangyans still living along the sea-shore, we are on surer ground, for the attacks of the Moros are known to have occurred at a certain time, and the Mangyans lived along the shores before the non-Mangyans settled on the island. On the other hand, when an ambahan poet writes of going to America, the poem is certain to have been written in modern times.
The second criterion, the kind of words used, is more reliable and, if used by experts, would be a more certain indication of the age of the ambahan. By using this criterion, ambahans may be categorized into three classes.
The first type is the ambahan that only uses the poetic language with a minimum of contemporary words. Sometimes common Hanunuo-Mangyan words are used, but this type of ambahan restricts itself mainly to the use of literary words, i.e. words not used in daily conversation. According to the Mangyans themselves, this is the oldest kind of ambahan.
The next type of ambahan is that in which words borrowed from neighboring tribes, especially the Buhid tribe, are used. Frequent contact with this tribe has made the Hanunuo-Mangyans accept these borrowed words and expressions which found their way into their ambahans.
Lastly, there is the ambahan of later times, in which loan-words from Spanish, Tagalog or Bisaya are evident.
The painstaking study by linguists of the words used in the ambahan may supply the final answer to the question of the time in which an ambahan was written.
[Postma, Antoon. Mangyan Treasures. Manila: Arnoldus Press, Inc., 1995.]
In answer to the same question, another Mangyan may reply, "We obtained this from our forefathers." Most of the ambahans they possess now have been handed down from parents to children through continuos copying. Yet there is no doubt that new ambahans are still being written today by the poets or composers, although it is hard to find out who these poets are. A Mangyan would never admit that he is composing ambahans. To determine the approximate time in which an ambahan was written, two criteria may be suggested: the subject and the kind of words used.
The first criterion cannot be applied without reservation, for the subject of the ambahan is sometimes very general and true of any period. But if we find reference in the ambahan to Moro attacks or to Mangyans still living along the sea-shore, we are on surer ground, for the attacks of the Moros are known to have occurred at a certain time, and the Mangyans lived along the shores before the non-Mangyans settled on the island. On the other hand, when an ambahan poet writes of going to America, the poem is certain to have been written in modern times.
The second criterion, the kind of words used, is more reliable and, if used by experts, would be a more certain indication of the age of the ambahan. By using this criterion, ambahans may be categorized into three classes.
The first type is the ambahan that only uses the poetic language with a minimum of contemporary words. Sometimes common Hanunuo-Mangyan words are used, but this type of ambahan restricts itself mainly to the use of literary words, i.e. words not used in daily conversation. According to the Mangyans themselves, this is the oldest kind of ambahan.
The next type of ambahan is that in which words borrowed from neighboring tribes, especially the Buhid tribe, are used. Frequent contact with this tribe has made the Hanunuo-Mangyans accept these borrowed words and expressions which found their way into their ambahans.
Lastly, there is the ambahan of later times, in which loan-words from Spanish, Tagalog or Bisaya are evident.
The painstaking study by linguists of the words used in the ambahan may supply the final answer to the question of the time in which an ambahan was written.
[Postma, Antoon. Mangyan Treasures. Manila: Arnoldus Press, Inc., 1995.]
Usage
The ambahans are very common among the Hanunuo-Mangyans. About thirty percent of the Hanunuo-Mangyans do not read or write the pre-Spanish Hanunuo-Mangyan script, but it would be rare indeed for a Mangyan not to know the art of the ambahan. Of course, a Mangyan will quickly deny any knowledge of the ambahan, but this is only a polite way of refusing to demostrate such knowledge. People who have tried to collect ambahans will be the first to admit the difficulty of making the Mangyans recite the ambahans outside of the proper occasion for doing it.
Aside from the Hanunuo-Mangyans, the neighboring Mangyan tribes also know about the ambahan. Though the actual extent to which the ambahan is known by these other tribes has not been fully investigated, it is certain that this type of poetry is also common among the Buhid-Mangyans. The language of the Buhid is completely different from that of the Hanunuo-Mangyans, but one may still partly understand the literary products of the other. The ambahan can also be found among the tribes living deep in the mountains of Mindoro. These natives go down to the lowlands very rarely, and on one of these occassions I was lucky enough to acquire some copies of their ambahans. The Hanunuo-Mangyans do not understand much of it, except when exclusive ambahan words are used. However, before anything more authoritative can be said on this matter, one must explore the field further. The verse of the Iraya-Mangyans (in the north of Mindoro) is also very similar to the ambahan-type, i.e. they also have the characteristic heptasyllabic meter and rhyming end-syllables.
Ambahans are known and recited by Hanunuo-Mangyans, both old and young. Of course, different ambahans will be appropriate for different age groups. The children definitely have their own kind of ambahans, something which might be considered as the equivalent of our nursery rhymes. However, even in these rhymes all the elements of the ambahan are present; the main distinction lies in the simplicity of the language used. The ambahans for children, however, are short, most of them containing not more than six lines. A boy (kan-akan) and a girl (daraga) would be familiar with the ambahans fit for them, but once they are married, they would acquaint themselves with the ones that are appropriate for their new state of life.
Like all poetry, the ambahan is an expression of an idea or feeling in a beautiful and harmonious language. Unlike other forms of poetry , however, the ambahan is not poetry for its own sake or for the poet's satisfaction. The ambahan is primarily a poem of social character; it finds its true existence in society. It is created by the Mangyans to serve practical purposes within the community. It is used by the parents in educating their children, by young people in courting each other, by a visitor in asking for food and by a relative bidding goodbye or farewell. Of course, it would be a mistake to think that the Mangyans converse with each other only by the ambahan. If a man comes from his field, he would not use an ambahan to tell his wife that he is hungry; he will express the feeling of his stomach in plain and clear language. But generally speaking, the ambahan is used on those occasions when something embarrassing, unpleasant, delicate or even precious (as love) has to be said. For instance, a boy may tell a girl in plain language that he will never forget her, but it would sound so much nicer if he were to do so in an ambahan.
The social nature of the ambahan has given rise to a kind of verbal contest. Whenever Mangyans are together, a few of them (often the older generation) will eagerly compete with each other in the ability to recite the ambahan called for by the place and the occasion. Among these occasions are festivities held in connection with reburial. One Mangyan might challenge another with an ambahan, for example. This starts the contest. The people gather around the two contestants (without agreement, without rules, without bets), listening intently to the ambahans recited alternately by the two opponents. Each ambahan recited is an answer to the problem or theme propounded in the ambahan preceeding it. Both contestants are lustily cheered and encouraged by their supporters. In most cases, the one who recites last is declared the winner. The contest may go deep into the night. Whether one or the other wins is unimportant; what matters most is the entertainment derived from the contest.
A few final remarks about the translation of the ambahan may still be of interest. A researcher who happens to be in the mountains of Mansalay and becomes acquainted with the ambahan will become enthusiastic about it and may even want to translate some of them into his own language. But before he can translate the ambahan, he must study the ancient Indic script. After having mastered it well, he will find out to his dismay, that he still cannot read everything written on the bamboo. This is due to the fact that the script itself does not show the final consonant of each syllable. When he has overcome the disappointment, he will probably try to get an ambahan written down in clear, readable letters. Tape-recording the ambahan would take away the initial difficulties of copying from script. However, even then he will not understand all the implications of the ambahan unless the Mangyan can explain it.
In translating an ambahan, we find a special difficulty arising from the symbolic meaning of the words used. The Mangyan may supply the applied allegorical meaning but he might not understand the literal meanings of certain words. The meanings of these words can often be discovered because of the frequent use of repetition of ideas. Sometimes complete lines may be repetitions of the same idea in synonymous words.
Before the ambahan can be completely understood, it is imperative to collect as many samples of the ambahan as possible. This is the main work being done at present in this field. A detailed comparison of specimens, sifting and classifying words, and careful experiments in translating the words into another context have to be done by experts in this field of research. Only then will the ambahan emerge in the fullness of its beauty and signification.
The present anthology of ambahans is selected from a collection that started in 1958. In preparing this selection, it was not an easy task to decide on the best way of grouping or arranging these ambahans. It was finally decided to observe a dual system in classifying these Mangyan poems. The first system is to take the obvious and literal meaning as expressed by the poem. The second is the allegorical or applied meaning that can be gleaned from the ambahan. With this dual system in mind, the ambahans in this collection have been arranged according tot he life-cycle of the Hanunuo-Mangyans. Hence, this collection of ambahans starts with the cradle and ends with the grave. It is believed that this arrangement is the most satisfactory.
[Postma, Antoon SVD. Treasure of a Minority. Manila: Arnoldus Press, Inc., 1981.]
Aside from the Hanunuo-Mangyans, the neighboring Mangyan tribes also know about the ambahan. Though the actual extent to which the ambahan is known by these other tribes has not been fully investigated, it is certain that this type of poetry is also common among the Buhid-Mangyans. The language of the Buhid is completely different from that of the Hanunuo-Mangyans, but one may still partly understand the literary products of the other. The ambahan can also be found among the tribes living deep in the mountains of Mindoro. These natives go down to the lowlands very rarely, and on one of these occassions I was lucky enough to acquire some copies of their ambahans. The Hanunuo-Mangyans do not understand much of it, except when exclusive ambahan words are used. However, before anything more authoritative can be said on this matter, one must explore the field further. The verse of the Iraya-Mangyans (in the north of Mindoro) is also very similar to the ambahan-type, i.e. they also have the characteristic heptasyllabic meter and rhyming end-syllables.
Ambahans are known and recited by Hanunuo-Mangyans, both old and young. Of course, different ambahans will be appropriate for different age groups. The children definitely have their own kind of ambahans, something which might be considered as the equivalent of our nursery rhymes. However, even in these rhymes all the elements of the ambahan are present; the main distinction lies in the simplicity of the language used. The ambahans for children, however, are short, most of them containing not more than six lines. A boy (kan-akan) and a girl (daraga) would be familiar with the ambahans fit for them, but once they are married, they would acquaint themselves with the ones that are appropriate for their new state of life.
Like all poetry, the ambahan is an expression of an idea or feeling in a beautiful and harmonious language. Unlike other forms of poetry , however, the ambahan is not poetry for its own sake or for the poet's satisfaction. The ambahan is primarily a poem of social character; it finds its true existence in society. It is created by the Mangyans to serve practical purposes within the community. It is used by the parents in educating their children, by young people in courting each other, by a visitor in asking for food and by a relative bidding goodbye or farewell. Of course, it would be a mistake to think that the Mangyans converse with each other only by the ambahan. If a man comes from his field, he would not use an ambahan to tell his wife that he is hungry; he will express the feeling of his stomach in plain and clear language. But generally speaking, the ambahan is used on those occasions when something embarrassing, unpleasant, delicate or even precious (as love) has to be said. For instance, a boy may tell a girl in plain language that he will never forget her, but it would sound so much nicer if he were to do so in an ambahan.
The social nature of the ambahan has given rise to a kind of verbal contest. Whenever Mangyans are together, a few of them (often the older generation) will eagerly compete with each other in the ability to recite the ambahan called for by the place and the occasion. Among these occasions are festivities held in connection with reburial. One Mangyan might challenge another with an ambahan, for example. This starts the contest. The people gather around the two contestants (without agreement, without rules, without bets), listening intently to the ambahans recited alternately by the two opponents. Each ambahan recited is an answer to the problem or theme propounded in the ambahan preceeding it. Both contestants are lustily cheered and encouraged by their supporters. In most cases, the one who recites last is declared the winner. The contest may go deep into the night. Whether one or the other wins is unimportant; what matters most is the entertainment derived from the contest.
A few final remarks about the translation of the ambahan may still be of interest. A researcher who happens to be in the mountains of Mansalay and becomes acquainted with the ambahan will become enthusiastic about it and may even want to translate some of them into his own language. But before he can translate the ambahan, he must study the ancient Indic script. After having mastered it well, he will find out to his dismay, that he still cannot read everything written on the bamboo. This is due to the fact that the script itself does not show the final consonant of each syllable. When he has overcome the disappointment, he will probably try to get an ambahan written down in clear, readable letters. Tape-recording the ambahan would take away the initial difficulties of copying from script. However, even then he will not understand all the implications of the ambahan unless the Mangyan can explain it.
In translating an ambahan, we find a special difficulty arising from the symbolic meaning of the words used. The Mangyan may supply the applied allegorical meaning but he might not understand the literal meanings of certain words. The meanings of these words can often be discovered because of the frequent use of repetition of ideas. Sometimes complete lines may be repetitions of the same idea in synonymous words.
Before the ambahan can be completely understood, it is imperative to collect as many samples of the ambahan as possible. This is the main work being done at present in this field. A detailed comparison of specimens, sifting and classifying words, and careful experiments in translating the words into another context have to be done by experts in this field of research. Only then will the ambahan emerge in the fullness of its beauty and signification.
The present anthology of ambahans is selected from a collection that started in 1958. In preparing this selection, it was not an easy task to decide on the best way of grouping or arranging these ambahans. It was finally decided to observe a dual system in classifying these Mangyan poems. The first system is to take the obvious and literal meaning as expressed by the poem. The second is the allegorical or applied meaning that can be gleaned from the ambahan. With this dual system in mind, the ambahans in this collection have been arranged according tot he life-cycle of the Hanunuo-Mangyans. Hence, this collection of ambahans starts with the cradle and ends with the grave. It is believed that this arrangement is the most satisfactory.
[Postma, Antoon SVD. Treasure of a Minority. Manila: Arnoldus Press, Inc., 1981.]